Another article beautifully written by veteran journalist and
ambassador Rigoberto Tiglao as regards what other columnists are writing about
the political landscape transpiring in the country months prior to the May
national elections.
He took note of what they are saying as regards to Bongbong
Marcos Jr.’s political movements as regards the 1Sambayan independent candidate
Vice President Lei Robredo.
For the full understanding and appreciation of the public we
have quoted in full the said article below:
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Even
Yellow ideologues losing hope over Robredo
AS I've been saying, Leni Robredo is
totally out of her class. I doubt if she would win were she to run for the
Senate or even for representative in her district.
Now even the Yellows' ideologues, all writing in the Philippine Daily
Inquirer, have unabashedly been writing columns giving up on her bid for
the presidency.
I thought of posting their views — at least they're
intellectually honest to accept reality — since they've been losing readership
from the time their master stepped down from power in July 2016 with all their
analysis and prognostications against this administration having been proven
wrong.
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Manuel Quezon 3rd ("Lost
opportunities," Dec. 15, 2021):
"My view is that Marcos Jr. grabbed
the most precious characteristics of a presidential candidate for himself:
namely, being the candidate of Change and Hope. He did so, by means of his ad.
All the rest: the highly organized motorcades, the crushing prediction of an
unstoppable landslide being promoted online, the explosion in anticipation of
Tallano Gold and Bataan Nuclear Plant bonanzas for lucky
supporters, flows from the candidate capturing the emotional and even moral
high ground.
"Robredo lost the chance because her ads were weirdly
angled to please perhaps those who made them and approved them, but not the
voters. In a similar manner there was a ridiculous motherhood-oriented pitch
that threatened to sink her campaign before it could even be launched until
wiser heads prevailed and "Let Leni Lead"
moved up her numbers to make her a viable candidate. But wisdom proved
temporary. Her first campaign salvo was beyond a flop. Her latest commercial is
better: a friendly but firm, enumeration of her policies for labor. A perfect
ad: for a senatorial candidate since most campaign on only, or at most only a
few, issues to set them apart. But it is not a presidential commercial. The
overarching heart and soul of her candidacy in the public mind still does not
exist because it hasn't been communicated."
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Quezon, ("Last hawk standing," Dec. 8, 2021):
"The Road to Rehabilitation began when his mother
unsuccessfully ran for the presidency, and he ran, successfully, to be the
congressman for the second district of Ilocos Norte in 1992. The Loyalist
constituency was large enough to have eked out two Senate seats in 1987, when
two Grand Alliance for Democracy senators were elected (both, by this time,
avowed Loyalists again): Juan
Ponce Enrile and Joseph Ejercito
Estrada. The latter, joining his own fan base to the Loyalist base, successfully
contested the vice presidency in 1992 and the presidency in 1998. He (Estrada)
would prove accommodating, even welcoming, to the Marcoses.
"Second, it planted the Marcos flag once more in the heartland, Ilocos Norte. I was
once told that Imee Marcos once referred to her home province as the
"grand duchy," a term more clever than you think: for in our baronial
political culture, a fiefdom is the essential basic requirement to fulfill
national ambitions. Her brother's congressional seat was later taken over by
Imee in 1998, when he became governor, again, of Ilocos Norte (he'd been vice
governor in 1980 and became governor in 1983, concurrently serving as what
seems to have been a decorative chairman of the board for Philcomsat in 1985):
clinching the restoration of the clan to preeminence in their home turf. Marcos
Jr. then returned to the House of Representatives in 2007. Having lost a bid
for the Senate in 1995, he was successful the second time around in 2010,
placing seventh. Along the way, his mother had successfully undertaken a
restoration of her own: hoisting the Romualdez flag in 1995 in Leyte, which
meant the North-South power bases of the family were once again secured
(ever-useful, when someone was needed to keep the Ilocos congressional seat
warm, she fluttered over to her husband's province and became its second
district congresswoman in 2010).
"The point was that the grand duchy was safe again; and
Marcos Jr., by becoming governor for the second time, had his own personal
vindication. The only thing left was the redemption of the family name by
reclaiming the Palace.
I believe the first instinct of the Filipino is to hop on a
bandwagon; it takes special circumstances to convince ;the Filipino to back
David in a battle with Goliath. The remarkable, measurable, jump in Marcos
Jr.'s support from the 30 percent he and his sister have commanded at the
polls, to 40 percent and even beyond, is made possible by the whole panoply of
his candidacy designed to project it as an unstoppable thing."
Randy David even
claims the masses see Ferdinand Marcos Jr. as
— que horror! — the Messiah.
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Randy David ("The messianic motif in Philippine
politics," Dec. 19, 2021):
"In here, I think, lies the insidious potency
of Bongbong Marcos' present campaign for the presidency. It is subliminally
framed in messianic time. And within that frame, past events are flattened, and
only the image of the redeemer stands out. 'All things are recapitulated in the
Messiah,' is how the Pauline letter to the Ephesians (1:10) renders it.
"There is a long messianic thread deeply
embedded in our political culture. It runs through the series of mass uprisings
that preceded the 1896 revolution, furnishing the primal motive that powered
the rapid recruitment into Andres Bonifacio's Katipunan. This mindset did not
disappear with the advent of Western modernity. It has lain dormant in the
Filipino psyche, like a virus ready to spring into action when summoned by a
confluence of events.
"I would not be surprised if someone or a
group that understands the power of this messianic thread is behind the design
of the precise messaging of the Marcos presidential campaign. The projection of
Bongbong Marcos as a unifying figure is the key element in this clever
appropriation of the messianic motif.
He promises to unite all — friends and enemies alike — and to
bring together all things in heaven and on earth. More significantly, he is
cast in the role of one who "recapitulates" everything that is past,
rising above the fragmentations of history, in order to deliver a
comprehensible vision that his father left unfulfilled. Accordingly, he submits
to all insults hurled against him while remaining outwardly impervious to these
attacks. He will not defend himself because his mission is higher and nobler:
He unites all in him — like the Messiah.
"This messianic narrative allows him to gloss over the
past, and to refuse to engage those who would argue using the truth of facts.
For the truth he is supposed to represent is the higher truth of redemption —
the Filipino people's deliverance from poverty, oppression, humiliation, and
hopelessness. When you frame the presidency in these mystical-religious terms,
all debate about qualifications, experience, and record of performance appears
almost petty — pulitika lang (just politics)."
Even that writer who tries to impress people by having a quote
from famous men in every piece he writes, after ranting at Marcos and insanely
believing Robredo has started a movement, concedes there will likely be
"century of Marcosian politics."
Richard Heydarian, "A
century of Marcosian politics," Dec. 13, 2021):
"For almost half a century, the Philippines has
lingered in the shadow of the Marcoses. Not even the two EDSA 'people power'
revolutions managed to provide a decisive break from the toxic legacy of the
dictatorship.
"If current trendlines continue, the next administration
would likely oversee constitutional change and, accordingly, full consolidation
of a reactionary regime. What the Philippines confronts is the prospect of a
century of Marcosian politics, where authoritarian nostalgia trumps democratic
truth."
After your rants in the past six years against President Duterte having been
proven wrong, especially those claiming he couldn't tackle the pandemic crisis,
shouldn't you write apologies to him now, guys?
Alam mo ba?
Negosyo
ang solusyon sa kahirapan.
Nasa
middle class kung ganito daw kita mo monthly sabi ng NEDA:
P43,828
- P76,669
Ang
siste,
If
Pamilyado ka na with kids, tapos utilities , daily and unexpected expenses, you
can quickly tell why you're probably short every month.
And
yet, ang karamihan sabi syo..."Mag ipon ka" or minsan pa nga
"Wala ka pang ipon"
Mind
you, pandemya pa ngaun!
Aminin
mo na...
Pagkulang
ang sweldo, there are no "ipon tips" that can help you, kapatid.
Nakagawa
ka na din ba ng Budget plan pero d mo naman nasunod?
Well,
pag Tigang na, wala ka ng mapipiga, tama?
Instead,
you need another source o multiply your income.
Sa
karamihan, meron lang two options:
1)
Get another job.
2)
Start a side business.
Do
you want to achieve "RICH" level na according to the
government.
A
business na pwedeng sa bahay lang while super safe ka at naka online ka lang
habang naka pambahay.
Usap
tayo...
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