Do we really understand what the arbitral award or
judgment, dated July 12, 2016 encompasses?
In the recent State visit of President Rodrigo Roa
Duterte he raised the said arbitral ruling favoring the Philippines vis-à-vis
China’s and what was described as a discussion between friends, China refused
to acknowledge the said ruling.
Let us revisit the said ruling, and try to
understand it more, quoted full below is the article written by retired Chief
Justice Artemio V. Panganiban in his Philippine Daily Inquirer column titled
“With Due Respect.”
(credit go to owner) |
In the article the Chief Justice articulates the
intricacies of the said ruling
one example of which is that:
By
itself, the award cannot be used by the Philippines to prevent (much less oust)
China from occupying the rocks above water at high tide in the SCS and from
reclaiming land, constructing airports, seaports and other installations
thereon, because, as I said, it covered only rights over water, not over land
Usually the voice of Senior Associate Justice
Antonio Carpio is what we hear about the different issues in the WPS, so it’s
whiff of fresh air when another member of the highest court explains about it.
Below is the full quoted article of CJ Panganiban:
Understanding the arbitral
award
The arbitral award or judgment, dated July 12,
2016, was issued unanimously by the five members of the Arbitral Tribunal
Constituted Under Annex VII of the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of
the Sea (that is how the tribunal called itself). Alleging the tribunal’s lack
of jurisdiction, China refused to participate in the proceedings and does not
recognize the award. To help readers understand the lengthy 501-page award, I
will try to summarize it into three parts.
First, it rejected China’s “nine-dash line” and
its claim of “indisputable sovereignty” over almost the entire South China Sea
(SCS) for contravening the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea
(Unclos). Consequently, the SCS is open to freedom of navigation by all
countries.
Second, it upheld our maritime claims over the
rocks, islets and other features in the Spratlys and declared unlawful the
Chinese incursions into the UN-recognized baseline entitlements of our
“archipelagic state,” namely, our 12-nautical-mile (NM) territorial sea, 24-NM
contiguous zone, 200-NM exclusive economic zone and 350-NM extended continental
shelf. This entire sea area along the west side of our country from Aparri to
Sulu is collectively referred to as the West Philippine Sea (WPS).
Third, it held that none of the disputed maritime
features is an “island” and, therefore, even if China occupies and has built
structures on these features, it has no maritime rights over the WPS. It also
ruled that Scarborough Shoal, located 124 NM west of Zambales, is a high-tide
elevation with a protruding rock that generates only a 12-NM territorial sea.
Though declared a traditional fishing area for Filipino, Chinese and Vietnamese
fisherfolk, it was seized and is now occupied by China.
Note, however, that the Philippines did not ask for, and the tribunal did not award, any rights over the land areas, given that the arbitration was about maritime rights only, and did not include land occupations, reclamations and constructions.
Although they were not parties to the arbitration
won by the Philippines, the great powers of the world now freely enjoy and
enforce the first part of the award. American, Australian, British and Japanese
warships, submarines and warplanes openly roam the SCS, ignoring Chinese
warnings that they are violating China’s air space and maritime territory.
But they are not enforcing the second and third
parts, which are left to our care. Neither are these two parts enforced by
sheriffs and policemen. While we have defense pacts with the United States and
other countries, there is no certainty that these powers will enforce the award
unless, like us, they too are benefited.
True indeed is the teaching of Lord Palmerston (Henry John Temple) of Great Britain that in international relations, there are no permanent friends or permanent enemies, only permanent interests.
Verily, during World War II, Japan and Germany
were the enemies of the United States while China and Russia were its allies.
Now, their national interests have changed and no longer intersect; so have
their status as friends and enemies. Their enemies yesterday are their friends
today. And vice versa. Ditto for China. Its rhetoric and acts are always
calculated to promote its interests.
By itself, the award cannot be used by the
Philippines to prevent (much less oust) China from occupying the rocks above
water at high tide in the SCS and from reclaiming land, constructing airports,
seaports and other installations thereon, because, as I said, it covered only
rights over water, not over land.
Unlike the great powers, the Philippines does not
have the military capability to watch over and protect Filipinos who fish or
exploit the natural resources in the WPS. True, it has concluded mutual defense
pacts with the great powers like the United States.
Sadly, however, these treaties have no express
provisions that obligate them to protect our maritime rights in the WPS. They
will do so only if their national interests impel them to. After all, the
American people pay taxes to protect their interests, not those of aliens.
“America First” is their slogan.
How then can we enforce our maritime rights in the
WPS? Ah, that’s a good topic for another column.
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